(1) Unions are worker-formed institutions aimed at improving conditions and shifting power through collective action.

• A union is an instrument for protecting and advancing worker power. We define a labor union as a collective body of workers formed to advance their shared interests.
• The purpose of a union is to improve workers’ conditions, whether through advocacy, empowerment, or defensive resistance to capitalism.
• Collective action and organizing are necessary for achieving union goals. This includes member input, advocacy, strategizing, transparency in decision-making, community-building, and resistance to exploitation.
• We recognize the structural constraints on worker power under capitalism. While these constraints are especially restrictive in right-to-work states, all labor unions face broader systemic challenges posed by workplace dynamics and the capitalist mode of production. 
  

(2) We advocate for a member-driven, transparent, democratic union in which leadership is accountable and subordinate to the will of the general membership.

• Unions should be democratically run and accountable to their general membership. The general membership must be sovereign over all union affairs and decisions. Leadership must defer to member decisions. Top-down decision-making must be abolished.
• Clear, open communication is essential to a union’s success. We advocate for freedom of expression, debate, and collegiality both inside and outside the union. We demand transparency and deliberative democracy in decision-making.
• Leadership must serve, and never rule. Officers must be democratically elected and accountable, not a separate power center. We insist on collective, class-conscious service from leadership. We support leadership stepping back when out of step with members.
• Once a decision is democratically made, the union must act in unity. We insist on accountable action. We call for disciplined unity of action while preserving individual rights and dignity.
• We acknowledge the tension between structure and autonomy. We do not take a collective position e.g. on the compatibility or incompatibility of Leninist democratic centralism with Left-libertarian ideals of freedom and mutual respect among diverse working-class formations.
  

(3) We believe that unions are fundamentally political entities.

• Unions are political beings whose very visibility and power are tied to political struggle. The need for unions is entirely political. Unions do not serve just workers, but are part of a broader, universal emancipatory political project.
• Unions must engage with issues beyond the workplace, especially when tied to labor or oppression. Feminism, anti-racism, and anti-colonial struggle are natural parts of the union’s broader mission. The real transformative power of unions lies in their ability to build worker consciousness, solidarity, and power both inside and outside the workplace.
• Electoral struggle is a tactical option, not an end in itself—it is just one tool among many, limited but potentially useful. We must engage vigorously in building worker power through alternate means, and shift emphasis away from traditional electoral politics toward workplace-based influence.
• Union activity forms part of a larger project for justice and liberation. Union work is grounded in a universal struggle for emancipation from all forms of domination. We demand redistribution of power and material improvement in our working and living conditions.

(4) Unions must represent all workers and take minority rights and issues seriously—not as side concerns, but as central to their mission.

• Unions serve the entire working class, including those often marginalized or in the minority. A union is for all workers. Unions must advocate for the most precarious. Unions are for the working class immediately, but ultimately for all of humanity, especially oppressed populations.
• Unions must address the needs and struggles of socially marginalized or historically oppressed groups. Racism, sexism, colonization, and other systems of oppression are central to the struggle for human emancipation, which the labor movement must take up.
• Unions have an essential role in reshaping society. We have a moral responsibility to advocate beyond immediate workplace concerns and to improve society more broadly. The emancipation of workers is intertwined with the emancipation of all oppressed peoples.

(5) An international labor movement is our best hope for ending capitalism.

• International solidarity is not optional but essential. International connections strengthen the working class everywhere.
• U.S. workers must be allies, not adversaries, of workers in other nations. We call for solidarity to correct imperialist wrongs and advance the abolition of capitalism. Internationalism is a core tenet of socialism and worker power.
• U.S. imperialism materially creates divisions within the global working class. As is shown by a history of betrayal in service of empire, U.S. workers are currently adversaries only because of imperialism, which must be overcome through international labor solidarity.
• The U.S. must be in solidarity with workers worldwide, not in competition with them. This solidarity must be conscious and intentional, given the historical and ongoing role of U.S. imperialism and global inequality.

(6) What matters most in union work is a class-struggle perspective and solidarity with all workers. The key distinction lies in strategy and adaptation to circumstances, not in purpose.

• Tactical adjustment is necessary depending on the circumstances faced by any group of workers, but flexibility in tactics in no way justifies abandoning the broader anti-capitalist struggle. Only strategy and tactics shift, not underlying goals. Adaptation to circumstances does not change our core principles.
• Public sector and non-majority unions face specific constraints, but these do not alter their role in the labor movement. Bans on collective bargaining affect method, not mission. While we acknowledge that public sector unions, like those in higher ed, have less direct leverage over capital, and must adapt accordingly, we reject the notion that legal recognition defines a union’s power or legitimacy—historically or today.
• Class struggle—not legal status—determines a union’s purpose. While non-majority unions may have different forms of leverage and legal limitations, they are essential components of the broader labor movement. Rising private sector unionization presents opportunities for mutual reinforcement.
  

(7) Our caucus is a strategic organizing body within the union whose purpose is to advance class consciousness, strengthen Left leadership, and contribute to a broader anti-capitalist movement.

• We seek to raise class-consciousness as a primary goal. This is simultaneously practical and aspirational, linking immediate union work with long-term revolutionary horizons.
• We work to elect principled, ideologically committed leaders. Institutional power and fascist tendencies must be confronted through forceful leadership that won’t waver under pressure.
• Our caucus forms part of a larger anti-capitalist revolutionary project, the global struggle for the self-empowerment of the working class, which we work toward by building socialist institutional power in our sectors.
• Tactics must be developed collectively by workers themselves.
  

(8) We are member-led, not leader-driven.

• Our caucus’s internal structure is democratic and non-hierarchical. We are flexible in strategy, but principled in politics. We are committed to solidarity, not fragmentation. The tension between spontaneity and structure, and between personal liberty and unity, is acknowledged—and navigated through principles like freedom of expression, unity in action, and accountable leadership.
• Our caucus is democratically governed. We support—and practice—simple majority voting and open communication. All members are expected to hold to the highest standards of transparency, honesty, and collective participation.
• We favor direct democracy informed by revolutionary political education. Collective self-education and theory should guide democratic decision-making. Our governance model is and must continue to be grounded in political theory and class-struggle analysis.
• While freedom of expression must be protected, unity in action is essential once decisions are made. Group processes must be coordinated in order to avoid atomization and ensure a unified voice. We prioritize discipline but maintain freedom of conscience and a live-and-let-live approach to coalition-building, affirming the right to criticize in all cases. 
• We reject executive-style governance, emphasizing rank-and-file sovereignty, recallable leadership, and collective administration.